Devadasi Women-the memory dancers

The first striking point in this article is the reference to identity as memory. The devadasi remembers “fragments of the past” from which they re-enact a past identity from which they have been expelled as “private journeys of recollection.” they are referred to as “embodied memories” and take on a great import and status than a fleeting recollection of events. Their memories determine their identities. This introduction to the article gives the eerie ghost-like sense to this class of women who once ousted from their well respected and secure position affiliated with a particular temple to a peripheral “shadow’ figure reflects marginalized peoples everywhere and the importance of recording these fleeting remnants of a culture.

In the article Davesh Soneji posits that this identity is linked to their training in dance and music and their traditional role in the community as “embodiments of enjoyment. Originally trained as part of a group and associated with a temple, they performed at ritual temple celebrations, the court and private events. With the abolishing of temple dancing through the Madras Devadasi act of 1947 temple dancing disappeared but continued in the private sector and eventually into the private realm of memory and nostalgia, yet even in the private realm there was the threat of arrest and public humiliation.


For private performances devadasi kalapam poets wrote stories in acts that were then interpreted through dance, that were performed sometimes over a period of days. Concert repertoire was called kacceri. The Andhar devadasi court repertory in the 19th and 20th century relied heavily on the Tanjuvur court repertory as it developed under the Maratha patronage as it developed in 19th c Tamilnadu. Some dances became systemized by the Tanjuvar quartet, dance masters whose ancestors had been serving in the court since the 17th century. Even in this brief summary it is evident that traditionally this was a diverse and rich art form.

The erotic poems (padams) such as the work of the 17th c poet Ksetrayya formed part of the public performances done at court and in homes. Tanjuvar court dance was a medley of different influences, aspects of indigenious Tamil culture, the Maratha culture of Northern Deccan, Teluga literary practice and even colonial modernity. The devadasi were hired on specific life occasions such as birth and wedding celebrations or for pure entertainment purposes at parties and would perform in exchange for gifts or fees. Performances at life events such as weddings showed status for the patron and as endowing “auspiciousness” to the bride through the symbolic transfer of her qualities as “an ever-auspicious” during the wedding process. In the ritual of tying the black beads of the groom’s wedding necklace she bestowed the blessing of long life.

Expulsion from the temple with the imposition of the new laws caused hardship for the temple dancers, they lost their land and livelihood and in many cases were sent to institutions (reform houses). Many began dancing in film or became prostitutes with their traditional social network removed. They also faced the derision and criticism of the Christian missionaries who viewed them as immoral.

For the modern devadasi performance, memory and identity are inextricably linked.
Part of their identity centered around their relationship as women with upper-caste men and the lack of menstrual pollution in their community, aspects that were different from other women. Historically it was accepted for upper caste married men to maintain relationships and even have families with the devadasi. The central point upon which social reform led by Dr. Reddi for the devadasi revolved as their sexuality, whereby using the rhetoric of victimization, their very open sexuality was distorted and presented as oppressive. Clearly this was a misrepresentation. The terms the devadasi used to refer to themselves clearly distinguishes themselves as distinct and proudly not a “householder” but “sani” wife of the lord. They do not refer to themselves as married but as “initiation of the virgin”. Therefore in their own self definition of identity they do not refer to themselves in any way as victimized or oppressed. They usually had a relationship with one man only and this was often arranged by the family much like an arranged marriage. Because of their status as “auspicious women” they do not observe the pollution associated with their periods or with death.. Many of the dances are preserved by few devadasi today. They try to maintain their matrifocal households, pride in their knowledge and origins through which their identities were formed in the fragile shifting modern society.

I found this article intriguing. The fabric of the identity of these women is so intimately tied to so many other aspects of the traditional religion and customs of the society they are like a living “memory mirror” reflection of the society itself, unique and fascinating. These women were obviously both powerful and important. Particularly interesting is the reference to dance was hand gestures “mudras” where the movement of hands is mimesis for the story…a compelling and very culture specific art form. I would have liked to have been given more of the historical origins to this and to the devadasi tradition as a whole to put it more fully into the larger framework of Indian cultural history.